<rdf:RDF xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:dcterms="http://purl.org/dc/terms/">
<rdf:Description rdf:about="http://specialcollections.luc.edu/items/show/920">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Protecting Delinquent Children]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[When clubwomen encountered children in poorhouses and jails, they saw future paupers and criminals.  The 1891 children’s illustration below depicts the doomed trajectory of troublesome children. The CWC tried to intervene in the process and place juvenile children in safe, comfortable homes with the hope of steering youth toward productive and respectable lives.  In the 1902 Report of the Reform Department of the Chicago Woman’s Club, Mary Plummer asserted that “it is the earnest desire and a large part of the work of this Committee to relieve the Poor House of every child, which can be placed preferably in homes, or, failing, in suitable institutions.”]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Image: “Quarrelsome Children in Contrast with Those of Sweet Disposition.,” March 25, 2011. http://digitalgallery.nypl.org/nypldigital/dgkeysearchdetail.cfm?strucID=1869923&amp;imageID=1699625.<br />
]]></dcterms:source>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Literary Program: Annual Announcements of the Chicago Woman’s Club, 1876-1920. Loyola University Chicago. Women &amp; Leadership Archives. Chicago Woman’s Club. Boxes 1-5.]]></dcterms:source>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Minutes: Chicago Woman’s Club Records, Chicago History Museum.]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://specialcollections.luc.edu/items/show/921">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Reforming Delinquent Children]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[At the dawn of the Progressive Era, clubwomen increasingly studied the causes and solutions to delinquency.  In particular, the CWC sought to understand the downfall of young women in the city.  Clubwomen frequently emphasized the necessity of industriousness and positive role models to reform young delinquent.  Accordingly, clubwomen like Judge Mary Bartelme, pictured below, worked with Chicago’s Juvenile Court to reform probation practices for juvenile delinquents.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Image: “Judge Mary Bartelme.” 1910. http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/ggb2005012702/.]]></dcterms:source>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Minutes: Chicago Woman’s Club Records, Chicago History Museum.]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://specialcollections.luc.edu/items/show/922">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Proper Recreation, Beautiful Environments, and Ethical Dress]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[Just as clubwomen believed in the importance of a productive occupation for young women, they were similarly concerned that young people engage in respectable entertainment.  They were particularly concerned with the leisure activities of working girls.  They advocated that young women participate in club work like their own rather than engage with the immoral and disorderly influences of the city. They also advocated for women to dress in specific ways in order to represent “proper” femininity.  Finally, clubwomen believed in the power of clean and beautiful city streets to “civilize” urban residents.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Literary Program: Annual Announcements of the Chicago Woman’s Club, 1876-1920. Loyola University Chicago. Women &amp; Leadership Archives. Chicago Woman’s Club. Boxes 1-5.]]></dcterms:source>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Newspaper: Chicago Daily Tribune (1872-1922).]]></dcterms:source>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Minutes: Chicago Woman’s Club Records, Chicago History Museum.]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://specialcollections.luc.edu/items/show/923">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Resistance to Reform]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[In &quot;Ladies of Labor, Girls of Adventure,&quot; Nan Enstad reveals how working women—the shop girls who caused CWC members great concern—created a distinct culture expressed through fashion and consumption of popular amusements.  This working class identity challenged middle class notions of propriety and respectability.  The Day Book asserts the autonomy and capability of these working girls, contrasting them with clubwomen characterized as rich and nosy.<br />
<br />
Women and children also attacked the industrious homes and beautification projects sponsored by the Chicago Woman’s Club.  The Chicago Tribune reported an act of vandalism against the Woman’s Industrial Home by a former inmate while the 1901 Report of the Art and Literature Department vividly describes frequent community assaults on a fountain maintained by the Chicago Woman’s Club.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Enstad, Nan. Ladies of Labor, Girls of Adventure: Working Women, Popular Culture, and Labor Politics at the Turn of the Twentieth Century. Columbia University Press, 1999.]]></dcterms:source>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Newspaper: Chicago Daily Tribune (1872-1922).]]></dcterms:source>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Minutes: Chicago Woman’s Club Records, Chicago History Museum.]]></dcterms:source>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Newspaper: The Day Book. (Chicago, Ill.), 21 March 1912. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress. &lt;http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045487/1912-03-21/ed-1/seq-1/&gt;]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://specialcollections.luc.edu/items/show/924">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Interview with Mary Alma Sullivan, 2000]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[Transcription: &quot;First of all, the obvious one, it was buttressing the Roman Catholic tradition, you could say that whether your father was a judge or whether your father was a bricklayer. Everybody there with few exceptions…But in the main it was pretty Roman Catholic and I think the parents, our parents, my parents certainly sent me there because it would buttress my family orientation, my education to date and mature that…The other part of my assertion though is that underneath that overtly Catholic orientation was another one that was really never articulated in any direct way. And I think it was one that gave us a sense of woman, of the role of women in the world, of social justice… So I think if you had to say was there anything clearly articulated in the mission statement or anything which said, now you’re a woman you’re equal you’re free you have a responsibility to the world, to the community.&quot;]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Mundelein College Oral History Collection]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://specialcollections.luc.edu/items/show/926">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Interview with David Orr, 1998]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[Transcription: &quot;Just think of this: it’s 1969, ’70, ’71. It’s partly a reflection of the sixties. You’ve got students who are saying, you know, ‘Why do I have to take these particular courses, in this particular order? I can learn better if you just let me do some of these things. Or maybe I shouldn’t be graded in all this stuff, because then I’m trying to focus on this rather than…”…But this time at Mundelein, what you really had was good students who were on the edge. Remember, I attribute it to the sixties. Good students who were on the edge of adulthood. And progressivism or even radicalism—Because all this swirled around them, you know, the Civil Right Movement, the Vietnam War, all the youthful energy created by all that stuff, including the youthful disappointments at all the horrible things that were happening in ’68, ’69, ’70.&quot;]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Mundelein College Oral History Collection]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://specialcollections.luc.edu/items/show/927">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Interview with Jean Dolores Schmidt, 1998]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[Transcription: &quot;We used to have a pretty rigid dress code. No jeans, none of that kind of thing. In fact, the women who used to live in the residence hall could not even go to the dining hall in jeans or slacks. They had to wear dresses all the time. Many times they’d roll up their jeans and put their coats on. And we knew that. But it was the students who asked Sister Ann Ida. Sherry was her name. She said to Sister Ann Ida, ‘You know, we don’t want a dress code anymore.’ And Sister Ann Ida said, ‘I can’t change that myself. I’ll give you time at the faculty meeting.’ And Sherry—I remember her to this day—just got up and said, ‘I’m just here representing the students as the Student Body President to tell you that we no longer have a dress code. You’ll see us looking differently.’ And she walked out.&quot;]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Mundelein College Oral History Collection]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://specialcollections.luc.edu/items/show/928">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Interview with Joan Frances Crowley, 1998]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[Transcription: &quot;It was announced to the student body that some of their activity fee would go to help pay for the bus going to Selma. A group of anti-black, against the black movement, threatened to throw themselves across the parking place so the bus couldn’t go.” ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Mundelein College Oral History Collection]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://specialcollections.luc.edu/items/show/929">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Interview with Joan Frances Crowley, 1998]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[Transcription: &quot;I had always assigned African American kids with white kids. I just took it for granted; and they had friendship, etc. When Martin Luther King was shot the black students from Coffey Hall disappeared over into Northland with black kids who had apartment living over there. We didn’t see them for 24 hours. When they came out, they had stopped speaking to anybody white. I was in the enviable position of living in the dorm, trying to handle this. White kids coming in, crying ‘Sister…’ One night a black kid came in, closed the door and just threw herself in my arms and wept, and said, ‘I’m leaving, I’m transferring, I’m going to Morehouse.’ I said ‘Why Diane?’ and she said, ‘because my friends’ (many of them were white, she was an English major), ‘we’re not speaking to them. I can’t live like that.’ I had kids come into me privately and talk.&quot;]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Mundelein College Oral History Collection]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://specialcollections.luc.edu/items/show/930">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Interview with Jean Dolores Schmidt, 1998]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[Transcription: &quot;As we got more minority students, we began to change. We had our own problems on campus in 1975, ’76, when sort of the ‘black revolution’ took place. I was part of it. We had a woman, we’re good friends today, was director of the black students. There was a total misunderstanding going on. The students really rebelled against administration and everybody. But we had a young student—a young black student, Diane Allen, who helped our black students more than any single person than I can think of. She got them leveled off before they ended the year, and they had a good feeling. But we did struggle.&quot;]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[Mundelein College Oral History Collection]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description></rdf:RDF>
